Fall 2014 Econ
471 Prof. Bee-Yan Roberts
Problem Set #4
COVER PAGE TO PROBLEM SET #4
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1. The following table provides data on the Labor hours per unit of production of
two goods, cell phones and TVs in the two countries, U.S. and Brazil.
Country
Cell Phones
TV
Opportunity cost of producing one TV
U.S.
5
10
Brazil
12
12
a. Complete the last column of
the table above.
b. Compared to Brazil, the US
is more efficient in producing both goods.
Why does it still benefit the U.S. to trade with Brazil?
c. Pick a feasible terms of
trade and show and explain how the U.S. can benefit from trading with Brazil at
the chosen terms of trade.
2.
In the late
1980s, Vietnam went from an essentially closed economy to one that is highly
integrated with the world economy in terms of trade in goods and services. Since 1990, the growth in GDP per capita in Vietnam
has been exceptional reaching double digits. Use the following simplifying
assumptions to answer questions a) to c):
l
Vietnam produces
two goods: rice (labor intensive) and
computers (capital intensive).
l
Vietnam is
relatively labor abundant, and the domestic price of rice relative to price of computers
is lower than that in the world market.
l
Resources used in
production can move across sectors when economic conditions change.
a.
Which good does Vietnam export? Which good does
it import?
b.
Using the tools
discussed in class, show graphically the change in overall welfare in Vietnam
from liberalizing its trade policy.
Your graph should use a two-good framework with the good that Vietnam
exports on the x-axis and its importable good on the y-axis.
c.
Who are the
winners and losers in Vietnam from this change in trade policy?
3.
In China, three
members of a family own a small business. They can hire up to two more people
to work in their business. Each worker is paid $300. The total output per year
depends on the number of members working in the business that year. Total
annual income (or value of output) is represented by the following chart.
Number working on firm
Total Business Output (in $)
MPL
1
900
900
2
1700
800
3
2300
600
4
2700
400
5
2900
200
Each
member of the family has the opportunity to migrate to the nearest city where
there are two different types of jobs. Informal jobs are available to everybody
and pay $200. Formal sector jobs are more difficult to get and pay $800. The
probability of finding a job in the formal sector is 60%. For questions A-C,
suppose that there are no costs of migration.
a.
Suppose all three members of a family were to work in the business. How
many workers should the family hire to maximize business Profit? Show your work.
b.
What is the expected wage in the city? Show your work.
c.
Show that the business maximizes total family income by sending two of
their family members into the city, letting one stay on the farm and hiring two
workers.
4.
Consider a
country with production function.0/msohtmlclip1/01/clip_image002.gif”>,
savings rate.0/msohtmlclip1/01/clip_image004.gif”>,
and capital depreciation rate.0/msohtmlclip1/01/clip_image006.gif”>.
a.
What is the level
of capital per worker (.0/msohtmlclip1/01/clip_image008.gif”>)
and output per worker (.0/msohtmlclip1/01/clip_image010.gif”>)
when the country is closed to capital flows? (Hint: Solow model)
b.
What is the level
of.0/msohtmlclip1/01/clip_image008.gif”> and.0/msohtmlclip1/01/clip_image010.gif”> when the county becomes perfectly open to capital
flows? Assume the world rental rate of capital is.0/msohtmlclip1/01/clip_image012.gif”>.
Show your derivations. (Hint: free-capital-flow model we discussed in class,
Weil Ch.11)
c.
Use your answers
to a) and b), explain why higher savings rates are associated with higher
levels of GDP in a closed economy, but they are not in an open economy.
d.
Does the
statement in c) mean that if you save a lot, you are better off in a closed
economy? Why or why not?
5.
Read the following article on immigration
and answer the following questions
a.
Explain the term âbrain drainâ? Why is it an
issue to the policymakers in poor countries?
b.
Explain the term âbrain gainâ? What is the
key aspect that turns âbrain drainâ into âbrain gainâ?
c.
Besides direct remittance (sending income
back to home country), name two other sources of potential gains to the sending
country from skilled emigration.
Drain or gain? Poor countries can end up benefiting when
their brightest citizens emigrate
Economics
focus | May 26th 2011 | from the print edition
WHEN
people in rich countries worry about migration, they tend to think of low-paid
incomers who compete for jobs as construction workers, dishwashers or
farmhands. When people in developing countries worry about migration, they are
usually concerned at the prospect of their best and brightest decamping to
Silicon Valley or to hospitals and universities in the developed world. These
are the kind of workers that countries like Britain, Canada and Australia try
to attract by using immigration rules that privilege college graduates.
Lots
of studies have found that well-educated people from developing countries are
particularly likely to emigrate. By some estimates, two-thirds of highly
educated Cape Verdeans live outside the country. A big survey of Indian
households carried out in 2004 asked about family members who had moved abroad.
It found that nearly 40% of emigrants had more than a high-school education,
compared with around 3.3% of all Indians over the age of 25. This âbrain drainâ
has long bothered policymakers in poor countries. They fear that it hurts their
economies, depriving them of much-needed skilled workers who could have taught
at their universities, worked in their hospitals and come up with clever new
products for their factories to make.
Many
now take issue with this view (see article). Several economists reckon that the
brain-drain hypothesis fails to account for the effects of remittances, for the
beneficial effects of returning migrants, and for the possibility that being
able to migrate to greener pastures induces people to get more education. Some
argue that once these factors are taken into account, an exodus of highly
skilled people could turn out to be a net benefit to the countries they leave.
Recent studies of migration from countries as far apart as Ghana, Fiji, India
and Romania have found support for this âbrain gainâ idea.
The
most obvious way in which migrants repay their homelands is through
remittances. Workers from developing countries remitted a total of $325 billion
in 2010, according to the World Bank. In Lebanon, Lesotho, Nepal, Tajikistan
and a few other places, remittances are more than 20% of GDP. A skilled migrant
may earn several multiples of what his income would have been had he stayed at
home. A study of Romanian migrants to America found that the average emigrant
earned almost $12,000 a year more in America than he would have done in his
native land, a huge premium for someone from a country where income per person
is around $7,500 (at market exchange rates).
It
is true that many skilled migrants have been educated and trained partly at the
expense of their (often cash-strapped) governments. Some argue that poor
countries should therefore rethink how much they spend on higher education.
Indians, for example, often debate whether their government should continue to
subsidise the Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs), its elite engineering
schools, when large numbers of IIT graduates end up in Silicon Valley or on
Wall Street. But a new study of remittances sent home by Ghanaian migrants
suggests that on average they transfer enough over their working lives to cover
the amount spent on educating them several times over. The study finds that
once remittances are taken into account, the cost of education would have to be
5.6 times the official figure to make it a losing proposition for Ghana.
There
are more subtle ways in which the departure of some skilled people may aid
poorer countries. Some emigrants would have been jobless had they stayed.
Studies have found that unemployment rates among young people with college
degrees in countries like Morocco and Tunisia are several multiples of those
among the poorly educated, perhaps because graduates are more demanding.
Migration may lead to a more productive pairing of peopleâs skills and jobs.
Some of the benefits of this improved match then flow back to the migrantâs
home country, most directly via remittances.
The
possibility of emigration may even have beneficial effects on those who choose
to stay, by giving people in poor countries an incentive to invest in
education. A study of Cape Verdeans finds that an increase of ten percentage
points in young peopleâs perceived probability of emigrating raises the
probability of their completing secondary school by around eight points.
Another study looks at Fiji. A series of coups beginning in 1987 was seen by
Fijians of Indian origin as permanently harming their prospects in the country
by limiting their share of government jobs and political power. This set off a
wave of emigration. Yet young Indians in Fiji became more likely to go to
university even as the outlook at home dimmed, in part because Australia,
Canada and New Zealand, three of the top destinations for Fijians, put more
emphasis on attracting skilled migrants. Since some of those who got more
education ended up staying, the skill levels of the resident Fijian population
soared.
Passport to riches
Migrants
can also affect their home country directly. In a recent book about the Indian
diaspora, Devesh Kapur of the University of Pennsylvania argues that Indians in
Silicon Valley helped shape the regulatory structure for Indiaâs home-grown
venture-capital industry. He also argues that these people helped Indian
software companies break into the American market by vouching for their
quality. Finally, migrants may return home, often with skills that would have
been hard to pick up had they never gone abroad. The study of Romanian migrants
found that returnees earned an average of 12-14% more than similar people who
had stayed at home. Letting educated people go where they want looks like the
brainy option.
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